We have said … that no attempt would be made to discuss in
detail the shadowy human combinations who constituted the Russian war-time
government. An exception, however, may be made in the case of A.D. Protopopov,
the last Minister of the Interior of Imperial Russia. Protopopov was an
outsider in the bureaucratic circles of the capital … He belonged to the left
wing of the moderately liberal party called the Octobrists … One might well
imagine that the appointment of a man of this type to a high cabinet office
would meet with the whole-hearted approval of liberal circles. The reverse
proved to be true. Obsessed by an immense desire for power which was stimulated
by predictions of fortune-tellers, in whom he appeared to have had unlimited
confidence, Protopopov seemed to believe that he was called to save Russia from
ruin … It would seem that Protopopov was suffering from the effects of a
disease contracted by him in his early days … The Emperor soon realised that
his new minister was not exactly a man to rely upon … But the Empress took at
once the defence of the man whose presence in the government was obviously an
immediate danger to the dynasty. As usual she won and Protopopov continued in
office until the Revolution of February-March 1917. By the end of February … it
was clear to the other ministers that they had to deal with a man who was no
longer fully responsible for his actions … The unfortunate story of
Protopopov’s rise to power is instructive for more than one reason. It was the
last drop which filled to overflowing the cup of discredit of the Imperial
Government.
Michael T. Florinsky, The
End of the Russian Empire
(New Haven 1931)
5 February
Report in The Times
The Mayor and Council of Petrograd gave a brilliant
reception at the Town Hall to the Allied delegates last night … Lord Milner
said that they had received a welcome reserved for real friends. Their stay had
been prolonged, not because there had been differences of opinion, but because
of the enormity of their task. Much work had already been done in Petrograd,
and, by God’s blessing, they would shortly see the fruits of it. Above all they
had got to know one another better as men. Speaking particularly of his own
country, he was certain that all that was needed between Great Britain and Russia
was to know each other better. British enthusiasm for Russia’s heroic deeds was
unbounded. Faithful alliance in the greatest of all wars would be the sure
foundation of enduring friendship in peace.
(The Times, 'From our own correspondent, Petrograd')
Diary entry of Lev Tikhomirov, revolutionary and later conservative thinker
There were two intelligent men: Alexander III and Bismarck.
Bismarck said ‘never fight
against Russia’. Alexander III said, ‘don’t get involved with either Germany or
England’. Both the Germans and we managed to forget the words of those
intelligent men and now we’re paying for it.
(L.A. Tikhomirov, Diary 1915-1917, Moscow 2008)
Sir George Buchanan, British Ambassador to the Imperial Court, in a telegraph to the Foreign Office
Though
attacks are occasionally made on us as in the reactionary gutter Press, the
anti-British campaign has died out and Anglo-Russian relations were never
better than at present … It may, indeed, be safely said that the mass of the
people fully appreciate the enormous services which Great Britain is rendering
with her fleet, her armies and her purse, and that it is to her that they look for
the realization of their hopes of final victory … Protopopoff, as Minister of
the Interior, has appointed to posts in his own and other Government
departments reactionaries who are as corrupt as they are incompetent … Should
there be a shortage of food supplies, strikes will inevitably follow; and it is
the economic rather than the political situation that causes me anxiety.
(Sir George Buchanan, My Mission to Russia, London 1923)
6 February
Diary entry of James L. Houghteling, Jr, attaché at the American Embassy, Petrograd
I heard yesterday the story of the spiritualist séance
engineered by Protopopoff for the Tsar. It was at Tsarskoe Selo. The Tsar,
Tsarina, their two eldest daughters, the minister and his right-hand man
gathered around the table. Suddenly Protopopoff grew rigid, with set eyes and
tense arms outstretched; then after some minutes he pulled himself together and
said, ‘There has just appeared to me the spirit of St. Gregory Rasputin; and he
bids us continue to strengthen the Holy Autocracy.’ The Tsar sat staring and
believed every word of it. I hear this story is current, with some variations,
and is regarded as gospel truth, in many ‘well-informed circles.’
(James L. Houghteling, Jr, A Diary of the Russian Revolution, New York 1918)
9 February
Diary entry of Georges-Maurice Paléologue, French Ambassador to Russia
I have just been reading the letters of Tchadaiev, a
paradox-loving and discerning author, the ironical enemy of Slav particularism
and the great and inspired philosopher who thundered his eloquent prophecies at
the Russian people in or about the year 1840. I have incidentally noted the
following profound observation: “The Russians are one of those nations which
seem to exist only to give humanity terrible lessons. Of a certainty these
lessons will not be wasted. But who can foretell the sufferings and trials in
store for Russia before she returns to the normal course of her destiny and her
place in the bosom of humanity?”
(Maurice Paléologue, An Ambassador's Memoirs 1914-1917, London 1973)
10 February
Diary entry of Olga, eldest daughter of Nicholas and Alexandra
Have an earache – lying down – Polyakov examined, and said
it was the inflammation of the middle ear. Had breakfast with Papa and
Linevich. Mama in daybed. During the day in bed. 36,8, 37,2, 38,2, 38,0
[body
temperature through the day]. At 6 lay down on the sofa in the Red Room … Mama and
Papa came by. Fell asleep early until 12 o’clock, then almost didn’t sleep at
all.
(The Diary of Olga Romanov, Yardley 2014)
Diary entry of Georges-Maurice Paléologue, French Ambassador to Russia
Today, various agitators have been visiting the Putilov
works, the Baltic Yards and the Viborg quarter, preaching a general strike as a
protest against the government, food shortage and war. The agitation has been
lively enough to induce General Kharbalov, Military Governor of the capital, to
issue a notice prohibiting public meetings and informing the civil population
that ‘all resistance to authority will be immediately put down by force of
arms’.
(Maurice Paléologue, An Ambassador's Memoirs 1914-1917, London 1973)
11 February
Diary entry of Alexander Benois, artist and critic
In the evening went to Vasily Zubov’s lecture in the Tenishev hall. He was talking about Fra Angelico – all
familiar things but I enjoyed seeing many of the frescoes almost life size on
the screen, and small paintings enlarged to the dimensions of huge altarpieces … The Catholic bishop was
there again, with a few prelates. Princess Shakhovskaya (the pilot) gave them
sweets and wine in the interval. As my childhood attachment to the religion of
my ancestors, and the enjoyment of its pomp and ceremony, hasn’t yet completely
died, I rather enjoy this type of stranglehold that Catholicism has over
Russian society (I even allowed myself
the pleasure of kissing His Holiness’s ring). All the same, it goes without
saying that there’s no point expecting any enlightenment from that quarter!
There, in the innermost depths, is just the same idiocy as everywhere else, as
is evident from the fat, round, bland and completely closed-off faces of these
senior servants of the papal state.
(Alexander Benois,
Diary 1916-1918, Moscow 2006)
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
11 February 2017
After a few weeks there are several 'characters' emerging. The urbane French ambassador Paléologue, his slightly self-satisfied British counterpart Buchanan, the waspish Tikhomirov for whom the shortage of flour is a truly ominous sign, the American attaché Houghteling who seems to find it all a bit of a gas, the cerebral Benois whose views were not untypical of the day but give us pause a century later. Most of them have stepped out of the shelves of the London Library where one of my time-wasting amusements is to look at the 'exit' stamps in the flyleaves (yes, I am that sad). It's not uncommon to find books that have not been taken out for decades, and one or two that have never ventured beyond St James's Square. When sentenced to five years of doctoral study a while ago, I soon realised that the Library was my lifeline - not just because it had such a remarkable Russian collection, but because nobody else seemed to have discovered it! Quite a number of books on St Petersburg's more arcane cultural history took up long-term residence in Yorkshire, with an occasional, slightly apologetic, reminder from the Library to confirm that they were still in my safekeeping. For all this it seems one should thank Charles Hagberg Wright, who was Librarian from 1894 to 1940, partly educated in Russia, came to know Gorky and Tolstoy, and built up the Library's Russian list.
8 October
Letter from Lenin to the Bolshevik Comrades attending the Regional Congress of
the Soviets of the Northern Region
Comrades, Our revolution is passing through a highly critical period …
A gigantic task is being imposed upon the responsible leaders of our Party,
failure to perform which will involve the danger of a total collapse of the
internationalist proletarian movement. The situation is such that verily,
procrastination is like unto death … In the vicinity of Petrograd and in
Petrograd itself — that is where the insurrection can, and must, be decided on
and effected … The fleet, Kronstadt, Viborg, Reval, can and must advance
on Petrograd; they must smash the Kornilov regiments, rouse both the capitals,
start a mass agitation for a government which will immediately give the land to
the peasants and immediately make proposals for peace, and must overthrow
Kerensky’s government and establish such a government. Verily, procrastination
is like unto death.
(V.I. Lenin and Joseph Stalin, The Russian Revolution: Writings and Speeches
from the February Revolution to the October Revolution, 1917, London 1938)
9 October
Report in The Times
The Maximalist [Bolshevik], M. Trotsky, President of the Petrograd Soviet,
made a violent attack on the Government, describing it as irresponsible and
assailing its bourgeois elements, ‘who,’ he continued, ‘by their attitude are
causing insurrection among the peasants, increasing disorganisation and trying
to render the Constituent Assembly abortive.’ ‘The Maximalists,’ he declared,
‘cannot work with the Government or with the Preliminary Parliament, which I am
leaving in order to say to the workmen, soldiers, and peasants that Petrograd,
the Revolution, and the people are in danger.’ The Maximalists then left the
Chamber, shouting, ‘Long live a democratic and honourable peace! Long live the
Constituent Assembly!’
(‘Opening of Preliminary Parliament’, The Times)
10 October
As Sukhanov left his home for the Soviet on the morning of the 10th, his
wife Galina Flakserman eyed nasty skies and made him promise not to try to
return that night, but to stay at his office … Unlike her diarist husband,
who was previously an independent and had recently joined the Menshevik left,
Galina Flakserman was a long-time Bolshevik activist, on the staff of Izvestia.
Unbeknownst to him, she had quietly informed her comrades that comings and
goings at her roomy, many-entranced apartment would be unlikely to draw
attention. Thus, with her husband out of the way, the Bolshevik CC came
visiting. At least twelve of the twenty-one-committee were there … There
entered a clean-shaven, bespectacled, grey-haired man, ‘every bit like a
Lutheran minister’, Alexandra Kollontai remembered. The CC stared at the
newcomer. Absent-mindedly, he doffed his wig like a hat, to reveal a familiar
bald pate. Lenin had arrived.
(China Miéville, October: The Story of the Russian Revolution, London 2017)
Memoir by the Menshevik Nikolai
Sukhanov
Oh, the novel jokes of the merry muse of History! This supreme and decisive
session took place in my own home … without my knowledge … For such a
cardinal session not only did people come from Moscow, but the Lord of Hosts
himself, with his henchman, crept out of the underground. Lenin appeared in a
wig, but without his beard. Zinoviev appeared with a beard, but without his
shock of hair. The meeting went on for about ten hours, until about 3 o’clock
in the morning … However, I don’t actually know much about the exact
course of this meeting, or even about its outcome. It’s clear that the question
of an uprising was put … It was decided to begin the uprising as quickly
as possible, depending on circumstances but not on the Congress.
(N.N. Sukhanov, The Russian Revolution 1917: a Personal Record, Oxford 1955)
11 October
British Consul Arthur Woodhouse in a letter home
Things are coming to a pretty pass here. I confess I should like to be out
of it, but this is not the time to show the white feather. I could not ask for
leave now, no matter how imminent the danger. There are over 1,000 Britishers
here still, and I and my staff may be of use and assistance to them in an
emergency.
(Helen Rappaport, Caught in the Revolution: Petrograd 1917, London 2017)
Memoir of Fedor Raskolnikov, naval
cadet at Kronstadt
The proximity of a proletarian rising in Russia, as prologue to the world
socialist revolution, became the subject of all our discussions in
prison … Even behind bars, in a stuffy, stagnant cell, we felt instinctively
that the superficial calm that outwardly seemed to prevail presaged an
approaching storm … At last, on October 11, my turn [for release]
came … Stepping out of the prison on to the Vyborg-Side embankment and
breathing in deeply the cool evening breeze that blew from the river, I felt
that joyous sense of freedom which is known only to those who have learnt to
value it while behind bards. I took a tram at the Finland Station and quickly
reached Smolny … In the mood of the delegates to the Congress of Soviets
of the Northern Region which was taking place at that time .. an unusual
elation, an extreme animation was noticeable … They told me straightaway
that the CC had decided on armed insurrection. But there was a group of
comrades, headed by Zinoviev and Kamenev, who did not agree with this decision
and regarded a rising a premature and doomed to defeat.
(F.F. Raskolnikov, Kronstadt and Petrograd in 1917, New York 1982, first
published 1925)
12 October
Sir George Buchanan, British Ambassador to Russia
On [Kerensky] expressing the fear that there was a strong anti-Russian
feeling both in England and France, I said that though the British public was
ready to make allowances for her difficulties, it was but natural that they
should, after the fall of Riga, have abandoned all hope of her continuing to
take an active part in the war … Bolshevism was at the root of all the
evils from which Russia was suffering, and if he would but eradicate it he
would go down to history, not only as the leading figure of the revolution, but
as the saviour of his country. Kerensky admitted the truth of what I had said,
but contended that he could not do this unless the Bolsheviks themselves
provoked the intervention of the Government by an armed uprising.
(Sir George Buchanan, My Mission to Russia, London 1923)
13 October
Diary entry of Louis de Robien, attaché at the French Embassy
Kerensky is becoming more and more unpopular, in spite of certain grotesque
demonstrations such as this one: the inhabitants of a district in Central
Russia have asked him to take over the supreme religious power, and want to
make him into a kind of Pope as well as a dictator, whereas even the Tsar was
really neither one nor the other. Nobody takes him seriously, except in the
Embassy. A rather amusing sonnet about him has appeared, dedicated to the beds
in the Winter Palace, and complaining that they are reserved for hysteria
cases … for Alexander Feodorovich (Kerensky’s first names) and then
Alexandra Feodorovna (the Empress).
(Louis de Robien, The Diary of a Diplomat in Russia 1917–1918, London 1969)
14 October 2017
The BBC2 semi-dramatisation of how the Bolsheviks took power, shown this week,
was a curious thing. Talking heads in the form of Figes, Mieville, Rappaport,
Sebag-Montefiore, Tariq Ali, Martin Amis and others were interspersed with
moody reconstructions of late-night meetings, and dramatic moments such as
Lenin’s unbearded return to the Bolshevik CC (cf Sukhanov above). The programme
felt rather staged and unconvincing, with a lot of agonised expressions and
fist-clenching by Lenin, but the reviewers liked it. Odd, though, that
Eisenstein’s storming of the Winter Palace is rolled out every time, with a
brief disclaimer that it’s a work of fiction and yet somehow presented as
historical footage. There’s a sense of directorial sleight of hand, as if the
rather prosaic taking of the palace desperately needs a re-write. In some
supra-historical way, Eisenstein’s version has become the accepted version.
John Reed’s Ten Days that Shook the World
, currently being
serialised on Radio 4, is also presented with tremendous vigour, and properly
so as the book is nothing if not dramatic. Historical truth, though, is often
as elusive in a book that was originally published — in 1919 — with an
introduction by Lenin. ‘Reed was not’, writes one reviewer, ‘an ideal observer.
He knew little Russian, his grasp of events was sometimes shaky, and his facts
were often suspect.’ Still, that puts him in good company, and Reed is
undoubtedly a good read.